The following article is taken from Addendum AA of The Noble Protagonist’s 1,100 page E-book, “The Battle to preserve Western Civilization (European Folk Soul vs. Jewish Supremacy). This text was originally derived from sections of the article, “People’s War and ANC Hegemony”, posted on SAmirror.com
“So in essence the ANC would kill its own people in order to garner more international support. That to me is not a struggle movement, or a liberation movement, but a terrorist organization.” – Anonymous YouTube Commenter
The African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, which was originally backed by the Soviet Union as its African proxy, along with the South African Communist Party (SACP), has always depicted its liberation struggle as a just war, fought by just means. But in fact the ANC’s struggle, in its last decade, 1984-1994, took the form of a ruthless People’s War, using “Marxist” Jewish (Bolshevik) Terror-Tactics, which were primarily aimed at giving the ANC hegemony over the new South Africa, rather than at liberation.
This was especially the case from 1990 onwards, when the door to democracy had already been thrown open and there was no need to batter it down. The People’s War does not depend for its success on the clash of competing armies, which helps explain why it mattered little that the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, had no capacity to defeat the South African army.
It rests in part on bomb attacks, including the car bomb in Pretoria in May 1983, which killed 19 people and injured some 220, but such attacks are a relatively small element in the overall strategy. The People’s War has many other facets, but all of them fall into two main areas of struggle; the political struggle & military struggle. Together, these constitute the hammer and the anvil between which all adversaries are crushed.
In this kind of conflict, no distinction is drawn between combatants & civilians. Instead, all individuals living within the arena of conflict are regarded as “weapons of war”. This makes them all expendable in the waging of the war, in the same way as arms & ammunition are expendable in a conventional conflict. It also means that children are just as expendable as adults, and that there is no bar against using children either as combatants, or as targets for attack. On the contrary, there is significant advantage in using children, as a combatant, a child may be more willing to take risks, while as a victim of violence the child has much greater value in subsequent propaganda and mobilization.
In South Africa, the political struggle took many forms; meetings, marches, boycotts, sanctions, stay-aways and strikes. But the most persistent element in the political struggle was the propaganda campaign, with the complicity of the Jewish-controlled international press.
The propaganda campaign involved the constant repetition of certain themes by the ANC, the allied organizations it helped to create, and many in the media. This constant repetition, endorsed from a host of seemingly diverse quarters, soon had great impact on public perspectives. A false version of events became accepted as the truth, while contrary views were quickly brushed aside as mistaken & uninformed.
The political struggle was vital because it reinforced the impression of a society in ferment. This gave cover to physical attacks which would otherwise have seemed too brutal to be condoned. Among the key targets for attack were Black local counselors & Black policemen living in the townships; for one of the aims of the People’s War was to create a series of local anarchies. The objective here was to drive out local government, limit attempts at policing and create semi-liberated areas under the control of street committees, civic associations and people’s courts.
Combat units, called self-defense units, were also formed to “defend” these areas and bring the local population under further revolutionary control through a mix of agitation, coercion and terror. As anarchy & violence spread, the South African economy stuttered, poverty grew and the security forces frequently resorted to draconian methods.
The underlying aim at all times was not simply to rob the Afrikaner National Party (NP) government of its will to rule, but also to weaken or destroy the ANC’s Black political rivals, which was essential if the ANC was to gain hegemony over the new South Africa and then use its power to push forward with the second stage of its communist revolution; funded & abetted by International Jewry.
It also helps explain why the great majority of the victims of the People’s War were “Black” rather than White South Africans.
Whites were often the victims of the dozens of bomb blasts carried out by Umkhonto in the 1980s. They were also the target of Apla attacks in the early 1990s, including the St James’ Church massacre in Cape Town in July 1993. But most of the people killed were Black South Africans; while the Blacks most vulnerable to attack were those who supported the ANC’s Black rivals in the Black Consciousness (BC) movement or “Inkatha” (IFP).
By the time the People’s War began, Inkatha’s claimed membership had risen to approximately 1 million. The ANC had tried to bring Inkatha under its control via a meeting in London in 1979 between Oliver Tambo & Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, but Inkatha had declined to subject itself to ANC authority.
In 1980, the ANC declared Inkatha “an enemy of the people”. By mid-1986, the number of Inkatha leaders & supporters shot, hacked or necklaced to death had risen to more than 100. By the end of 1989, the conflict between the ANC-affiliated United Democratic Front (UDF) and Inkatha in KwaZulu-Natal had cost some 2400 lives, Inkatha bearing the bulk of the fatalities.
“With our boxes of matches, and our necklaces, we shall liberate.” -Winnie Mandela
By this time that the Berlin Wall had fallen, the overall death toll in the People’s War had reached around 5500 lives. With the Berlin Wall down, the Soviet Union was now in trouble and became less able to support the ANC.
The state president, F.W. de Klerk, seized the opportunity to unban the ANC and its allies and embark on what he hoped would be a peaceful process of negotiations for a “new democracy”.
The ANC had no intention of ending the People’s War when negotiations began. Rather it planned to use the talks as an “additional terrain” of the multi-faceted political struggle. At the same time, it planned to intensify the military struggle as well. It also knew that it would be much easier to achieve an upsurge in mass action & political violence with some 13,000 of its armed & trained Umkhonto combatants back inside the country, this time by legal means and with the government’s consent.
The ANC’s strategy, in short, was a variant on the Trojan Horse military-strategy. By professing a commitment to peace, the ANC could secure the lawful return of Umkhonto as part of the negotiating process. This would bypass the great difficulty the organization had always faced in infiltrating its insurgents illegally in any significant number.
Propaganda, as ever, was vital to conceal the truth. Hence, as Umkhonto combatants returned and violence began to surge, the ANC and its supporters increasingly blamed the killings on a sinister “Third Force”, comprising elements within the police and the IFP. De Klerk was implicated too, for the constant accusation made was that the state president had a “dual strategy” of talking peace while using the Third Force to wage a low-level war against the ANC.
The ANC’s propaganda campaign soon had a huge international impact. This was partly because the same message came from so many quarters; not only from the ANC and its many allied organizations, but also from journalists & monitors of violence (Human Rights Watch), who seemed to be politically independent, yet consistently endorsed the ANC’s perspective. No doubt, International Jewry, through their control of the international press, had control over the narrative.
The international community turned a blind eye to the ANC’s continued People’s War during the negotiations period for a “new democracy”, despite a massive increase in Black-on-Black violence & terror. Instead, it put huge pressure on De Klerk to meet the ANC’s demands.
The 1994 election was so chaotic that no accurate result could be computed. Hence, its final outcome was essentially the product of negotiation. The ANC was accorded 63% of the vote, but this might have exaggerated its true support. Opposition parties initially wanted to challenge aspects of the election result, but in the end they chose rather to accept it. For to question the outcome or demand a re-run of the poll was to risk throwing the country into the vortex of the People’s War once more, and few people had the stomach for that.
Most South Africans preferred to take comfort in the notion of a miracle transition and to hope that this would bring about the bright new future the ANC had long been promising. By the time of the April poll, the mostly-Black death toll in political violence since September 1984 had risen to some 20,500 lives.
500 of these deaths occurred via “necklacing”, the practice of summary execution & torture carried out by forcing a rubber tire, filled with petrol, around a victim’s chest & arms, and setting it on fire. The victim may take up to 20 minutes to die, suffering severe burns in the process. Another 700 were burned to death using other methods of terror.
The great majority of these fatalities, numbering some 15,000, had taken place in the negotiations period from 1990 to 1994. This tripling of the death toll, in short, had taken place when the government’s determination to end apartheid and usher in a non-racial democracy was clearly apparent and evidently endorsed by two-thirds of Whites.
The great majority of those killed were ordinary people with no strong political conviction, no particular political involvement. They had nevertheless all been treated as expendable weapons in the People’s War, as pawns in a power-game, a struggle for Soviet-instigated ANC hegemony over the new South Africa. A victory for International Jewry; won by Jewish (Bolshevik) Terror-Tactics, and communist Jewish-partisans of the South African Communist Party (SACP).
“Becoming a hero is easy when those you killed have lost their voices.” –Tainted Heroes documentary
Note: Nelson Mandela was the head of UmKhonto we Sizwe (MK), the terrorist wing of the ANC & South African Communist Party. He had pleaded guilty to 156 acts of public violence, including mobilizing terrorist bombing campaigns, which planted bombs in public places, including the Johannesburg railway station. Many innocent people, including women & children, were killed by Nelson Mandela’s MK, and possibly by Mandela himself.